State index

Under Senate Bill 8, which took effect in January, nearly all Texas sheriffs who operate a county jail are mandated to enter into 287(g) agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement by December. The state requirement drives an already extensive roster of local partnerships; ICE currently lists 380 participating agencies in Texas, the 1st such total in the country. The mandate has drawn attention to how local jails interact with federal immigration authorities and what compliance looks like for regional law enforcement.

The jail requirement coincides with a broader push for state-level immigration enforcement. A federal appeals court allowed Senate Bill 4 to take effect, a law that authorizes Texas state and local police to independently detain individuals suspected of lacking legal immigration status and empowers state judges to order deportations.

Beyond the jail mandate, several municipalities and county agencies are voluntarily expanding their federal immigration partnerships. Over the summer, the city council in Jasper, Texas, approved a 287(g) task-force agreement, while commissioners in Galveston County, Texas, sought grant funding to support local immigration enforcement operations.

Other local governments have opted against voluntary ICE partnerships. In July, a divided city council in Hitchcock, Texas, voted to block entry into a proposed 287(g) task-force agreement. The city council in Decatur, Texas, similarly declined to advance an ICE partnership proposal in June.

Informal cooperation between local police and federal immigration agents has also drawn scrutiny in multiple jurisdictions. A summer report indicated that the police department in Houston, Texas, collaborated with ICE on at least 103 occasions starting in April. Elsewhere in the state, a police officer in Robstown, Texas, violated department procedures by assisting federal agents in a workplace apprehension over the summer, and deputies in San Augustine County, Texas, reportedly facilitated the ICE detention of two workers in May.

Nearly 39,000 immigration arrests were recorded in Florida between January 2025 and March 2026, a rise driven by local law enforcement officers utilizing 287(g) agreements to act as federal immigration agents. ICE currently lists 284 participating agencies in Florida, giving the state the 2nd such total in the country.

To incentivize local compliance, Florida officials began distributing millions of dollars from a state grant pool this spring. State leaders presented large checks to county sheriffs who signed 287(g) contracts to assist federal immigration enforcement, actively funding the collaboration.

Even with the funding, the State Immigration Enforcement Council reported in July that over 100 of the state's agencies with active 287(g) task-force agreements had yet to record a single arrest. The disclosure prompted state leaders to draft letters pressuring local police to step up their participation in the federal program. Meanwhile, ICE issued a directive in May instructing local police partners in Florida not to disclose information about their 287(g) operations or respond to public records requests without prior federal approval.

At the municipal level, leaders in Miami, Florida, faced mounting public pressure and protests in June demanding the city cancel its year-old 287(g) agreement. Immigrant advocates blamed the partnership for turning the police department into a leading hub for immigration arrests.

Elsewhere in the state, the sheriff's office in Palm Beach County, Florida, and the Florida Highway Patrol coordinated with federal agents on a four-day sweep in July that netted more than 300 arrests. Earlier body-camera footage highlighted deputies using 287(g) authority to hand over motorists to ICE during routine traffic stops. State cooperation with ICE has also extended beyond standard police departments; in March, a Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission officer detained a man at a park in Bonita Springs, Florida, over a disputed dog-bite claim and held him for 40 minutes until federal agents arrived.

Finally, Gov. Ron DeSantis announced in late June that the state was closing the "Alligator Alcatraz" detention center near Miami. The high-profile facility processed roughly 21,000 deportations following its opening in 2025.

Pennsylvania has seen a broad expansion of local police partnerships with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, growing from a handful of agreements early last year to more than 100 by the summer. ICE now lists 114 participating 287(g) agencies across Pennsylvania, giving the state the 3rd highest total in the country as arrests by local officers climb sharply. The widespread adoption has drawn intense scrutiny from immigrant rights groups as more local departments commit to enforcing federal law.

In York County, the West Manchester Township Board of Supervisors voted in July to enter a 287(g) agreement. The board ultimately approved the police department's proposal after it was temporarily withdrawn earlier in the year amid significant public opposition.

Mount Carmel Borough police began making immigration arrests over the summer under a new ICE partnership. Nearby, the Kulpmont borough council also approved a cooperation agreement by majority vote.

Hazleton ratified a 287(g) agreement earlier in the year. In July, the Shamokin Dam borough council authorized its police chief to apply for the program's task force model, adding to a growing list of local governments weighing ICE partnerships.

At the county level, a Bucks County judge ruled in June that the sheriff has independent legal authority to deputize deputies as ICE agents under a 287(g) agreement without county commissioner approval.

The drive to expand enforcement infrastructure met high-profile resistance when ICE formally abandoned plans to convert two large warehouses in Berks and Schuylkill counties into 9,000-bed detention centers. The federal agency withdrew its proposals after the state denied drinking water and wastewater permits and Gov. Josh Shapiro publicly opposed the projects.

Early last year, Governor Mike Kehoe signed an executive order establishing a statewide 287(g) designation, leading the Missouri State Highway Patrol to formalize a new enforcement partnership with ICE. The move spurred localized program expansion, and ICE now lists 105 participating agencies in Missouri, the 4th such total in the country.

At the municipal level, the city council in Ellisville, Missouri, approved a memorandum of agreement in June to partner directly with the Department of Homeland Security. The arrangement grants local police delegated federal immigration enforcement powers.

Local authorities have also stepped up joint field operations with federal agents. In June, the Pettis County Sheriff's Office, which participates in the 287(g) program, conducted a three-day targeted enforcement operation alongside ICE in Sedalia, Missouri, resulting in over a dozen arrests. Over the summer, federal agents collaborated with local police on operations in the Kansas City area that resulted in the rescue of missing children and the detention of undocumented people.

The 287(g) expansion extends into county jails across the state. Late last year, the Ste. Genevieve County Sheriff's Office signed a Task Force Model 287(g) agreement. This spring, federal lawmakers toured the county's detention center and raised concerns about overcrowding and poor conditions for people held in ICE custody. By mid-July, the Greene County Jail reached a record of more than 400 people detained by ICE under a detention contract signed early last year.

Deaths inside Missouri facilities have drawn international diplomatic protests. In May, Colombian President Gustavo Petro issued a formal protest over the 2025 suicide of a 27-year-old Colombian national held in ICE custody at the Phelps County Jail. In July, the Mexican government filed criminal complaints with county and state prosecutors in Missouri and several other states, requesting local investigations into the deaths of Mexican citizens during ICE operations or in federal custody.

A 2025 state law mandating local cooperation with ICE spurred the Arkansas State Police to sign a 287(g) task force agreement last summer. State police leadership reported earlier this year that the agency had issued dozens of immigration detainers under the partnership and claimed at least $4.2 million in federal incentive funds for equipment and services.

The state’s prison system has also formalized its role in federal enforcement. The Arkansas Department of Corrections joined the 287(g) program late last year, signing a jail enforcement agreement that authorizes select corrections officers to act as immigration agents and issue detainers for people held in state custody.

Beyond state-level departments, ICE now lists 104 participating agencies in Arkansas, giving the state the 5th highest total in the country. That footprint includes eight sheriff's offices across the Northwest Arkansas and River Valley regions that hold cooperation agreements.

Benton County, Arkansas, emerged as a major center for immigration enforcement under its 287(g) agreement last year. The county jail facilitated hundreds of ICE arrests during the year, frequently taking custody of people whose encounters with local law enforcement began with routine traffic stops.

In Northwest Arkansas, the Tontitown Police Department signed a 287(g) task force agreement with ICE this summer. The move prompted a local immigrant advocacy group to organize a boycott of the town's annual Grape Festival in July.

Alongside the formal agreements, state leaders and local agencies have actively supported broader ICE operations. Governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders deployed 40 Arkansas National Guard personnel last fall to assist ICE with detainee transport and administrative tasks. In February, a joint operation between federal and local agencies resulted in over 450 arrests statewide, including 219 people targeted for immigration violations. More recently, police and sheriff's deputies in Texarkana, Arkansas, collaborated with federal authorities on a June undercover operation at a nightclub that led ICE to detain 21 people.

In April, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill mandating that all county sheriffs sign 287(g) agreements with federal immigration authorities by January 2027, with noncompliant agencies risking the loss of state funding. Driven by the legislative mandate and earlier financial incentives, the state saw participation multiply. By the summer, at least 63 of Tennessee's 95 counties had joined the program. ICE now lists 87 participating agencies in the state, giving Tennessee the 6th highest participation count nationwide.

The growing network of local partnerships has already facilitated large-scale sweeps. In late May, an ICE enforcement operation in East Tennessee led to the arrests of more than 100 people, conducted in direct collaboration with local law enforcement under the 287(g) program.

The local expansion has drawn community resistance in some jurisdictions. Earlier this year, residents in Hamilton County, Tennessee, organized protests calling on the county commission to defund the sheriff's 287(g) partnership.

The local mandate follows a significant expansion of immigration enforcement roles at the state level last year. Both the Tennessee Highway Patrol and the state Department of Correction signed their own 287(g) agreements, extending delegated federal authority beyond county jails.

Several large and mid-sized jurisdictions independently joined the program throughout last year. Law enforcement agencies in Shelby, Rutherford, Putnam, and Sevier counties adopted various 287(g) models. Late last year, Bradley County, Tennessee, became the first jurisdiction in the state to actively operate under all three 287(g) agreement models simultaneously.

Last year, the Oklahoma Highway Patrol joined the revived 287(g) Task Force model, empowering troopers to conduct federal immigration enforcement during their routine duties. This delegated authority drove a multi-day sweep along Interstate 40 in the fall dubbed "Operation Guardian," which resulted in roughly 100 arrests and heavily targeted commercial truck drivers without legal status who held out-of-state licenses. The highway operations allowed local officials to stop people on the streets and directly enforce federal immigration law.

The state's growing prominence in federal enforcement was underscored in June when President Trump nominated former Oklahoma State Trooper Lance Schroyer to serve as the Director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The appointment elevates a local law enforcement veteran known for his work in the state to lead the administration's nationwide deportation operations, signaling a continued reliance on local agency partnerships.

Financial incentives have also driven the expansion of these agreements. A leaked federal ledger reported this spring revealed that Oklahoma law enforcement agencies have netted millions of dollars from ICE in exchange for their participation. The funding stems from a program model that pays signing bonuses, transport reimbursements, and performance incentives to participating local departments holding people for federal authorities.

At the local level, the municipal jail in Tulsa, Oklahoma, continues to transfer individuals without legal status directly to federal agents after identifying them through automated booking software. While city police do not formally participate in immigration street sweeps, the jail transfers help ICE secure people directly from local custody and clear municipal bed space.

Sustained operations and targeted enforcement sweeps across Oklahoma have recently led to dozens of localized arrests. The expanded federal footprint has drawn heightened scrutiny over the use of detention facilities to pressure deportations and the lasting trauma experienced by mixed-status families left behind in the state.

State lawmakers and federal financial incentives have driven growth in local immigration enforcement across Georgia this year. ICE currently lists 69 participating agencies in the state, giving Georgia the 8th highest total nationwide. Much of the activity follows the passage of a state law, HB 1105, which requires local sheriffs and police departments to cooperate with federal immigration authorities.

In early July, the Muscogee County Sheriff's Office signed a formal 287(g) task-force agreement with ICE. Sheriff Greg Countryman stated the partnership will allow deputies to process people without legal status when they are encountered during targeted operations against cartels, though he maintained that the agency will not proactively seek out unauthorized immigrants.

The push for formal partnerships has met direct resistance in other parts of the state. In June, the Cairo City Council voted 3-2 to reject a proposed 287(g) agreement following widespread community protests. The city's police chief had initially requested the federal contract to ensure compliance with the new mandates under HB 1105.

Beyond formal 287(g) agreements, public records released over the summer revealed tight informal coordination between federal agents and local police in northeast Georgia. Text messages and body-camera footage showed that officers with the Jefferson Police Department used minor traffic infractions to stop work vans and directly summon ICE agents to the scene to arrest people suspected of being in the country without authorization.

Similar local enforcement tactics have drawn scrutiny elsewhere in the state earlier this year. A sheriff in northwest Georgia faced intense public backlash after a student was transferred to ICE custody following a routine traffic stop, underscoring the growing impact of heightened local enforcement efforts.

Dozens of law enforcement agencies across Alabama signed 287(g) agreements with federal authorities last year and earlier this year, fueling a steady expansion of local immigration enforcement. Growing participation brought in municipal police departments alongside sheriffs' offices in Mobile, Baldwin, and Marshall counties to help identify and detain people facing removal. ICE now lists 58 participating agencies in Alabama, the 9th such total in the country.

The local expansion coincided with an executive push at the state level. Last year, Governor Kay Ivey directed the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency to collaborate directly with federal immigration officials. The directive led to joint state-federal traffic checkpoints and commercial vehicle inspections that resulted in dozens of people being held in ICE custody.

State lawmakers concurrently enacted legislation last year that codified local cooperation with ICE. The new laws mandate that local agencies collect DNA and fingerprints from undocumented people in their custody. The measures also require officers to check the immigration status of people they stop during routine traffic enforcement.

An attempt to grant local police even broader authority to enforce federal immigration law passed the Alabama House of Representatives this spring. However, the legislation, known as the Laken Riley Act, failed to clear the state Senate before the legislative session ended in April.

At the county level, the Colbert County Sheriff’s Office became a fully operational 287(g) partner last fall and subsequently received nearly $130,000 in federal funding to purchase inmate transport vans and body cameras. Further south, the Baldwin County Jail resumed holding people for ICE last year, dedicating up to 10 beds to help authorities expand holding capacity. In response to the growing network of agreements, civil rights organizations filed public records requests last winter seeking transparency on local-federal enforcement and funding tied to the Leeds Police Department and sheriffs' offices in Baldwin and Pickens counties.

The expansion has also sparked litigation. A U.S. citizen construction worker filed a federal class-action lawsuit against federal and local authorities after being repeatedly handcuffed and detained during immigration operations in Baldwin County, Alabama. A judge heard testimony on his request for a preliminary injunction this spring.

Early last year, Governor Jeff Landry issued an executive order directing state and local law enforcement to partner with federal immigration authorities through the 287(g) program. Multiple state agencies subsequently signed agreements allowing their officers to perform federal immigration duties, including the Louisiana State Police, the Department of Public Safety and Corrections, and the Department of Wildlife and Fisheries.

Following the governor's directive, local participation expanded significantly, growing to at least 23 Louisiana law enforcement agencies by late last year. ICE currently lists 58 participating agencies in the state holding 68 total agreements, giving Louisiana the 9th largest 287(g) footprint in the country. The roster of participating local departments includes the municipal police forces in Hammond, Gretna, Pearl River, and Kenner, where routine traffic stops can now lead to delegated immigration enforcement.

Several parish sheriff's offices also established formal ICE partnerships over the course of last year. The Bossier Parish Sheriff's Office signed a 287(g) agreement early in the year alongside other early adopters, while the Lafayette Parish Sheriff's Office finalized two agreements in December authorizing its deputies to perform federal enforcement functions.

The South Carolina House of Representatives passed a bill this spring mandating local law enforcement agencies to cooperate with federal immigration authorities. The legislative push follows a growth in voluntary 287(g) partnerships, with state police, 20 sheriff's offices, and local police departments now participating in the delegated-authority program.

ICE currently lists 49 participating 287(g) agencies in South Carolina, giving the state the 11th highest absolute participation total in the country. Helping build that roster, the South Carolina Law Enforcement Division expanded its internal immigration unit following its entry into the program early last year. Sheriffs in Beaufort, Charleston, and Chester counties also finalized 287(g) contracts last year, joining a growing list of local agencies encouraged to apply by the state attorney general.

The expanding state and local networks have actively driven joint field operations. In late May, ICE and the South Carolina Highway Patrol conducted a major operation along Interstates 26 and 85 that resulted in the arrests of 114 people by state and federal authorities.

Elsewhere in the state, a joint 287(g) enforcement sweep in Bluffton in late May drew protests after local deputies assisted federal agents. The Jasper County Sheriff's Office, which participated in the Bluffton action, formally entered a 287(g) agreement in March to screen people held at the local detention center.

In January, state lawmakers introduced legislation that would require all Kentucky police departments, sheriffs' offices, and jails to sign 287(g) agreements with ICE. The proposals, which include Senate Bill 86 and House Bills 213 and 344, would also explicitly ban local policies that restrict officers from inquiring about immigration status.

At least six Kentucky law enforcement agencies signed 287(g) agreements in January, bringing the state's total to 49 active partnerships. The new agreements include the sheriff's offices in Laurel County, McCracken County, and Pendleton County, alongside police departments in Falmouth, Hickman, and Winchester, Kentucky.

The new pacts follow a series of local 287(g) agreements signed last year. Throughout last year, agencies in Bullitt, Daviess, and Oldham counties, along with Grayson, Lyon, and Marshall counties, joined the program. The partnerships authorize local deputies to perform limited immigration enforcement duties and hold people in ICE custody.

The expansion of local partnerships has shifted the focus of enforcement into state facilities. According to a local policy analysis, 75 percent of ICE arrests in Kentucky between January and October of last year took place inside local jails and detention centers, rather than in the community.

In July, Kentucky's governor joined a federal lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security. The litigation challenges a federal policy conditioning disaster relief and emergency preparedness funds on state and local cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

The state ranks 11th nationally by absolute participating-agency count under 287(g).

In April, Gov. Tate Reeves signed Senate Bill 2114, an expansive immigration enforcement measure that requires all Mississippi sheriff's departments to enter into 287(g) agreements with ICE. The law, which took effect in July, criminalizes undocumented entry into the state and authorizes the Department of Public Safety to create a statewide registry of undocumented immigrants.

The legislative mandate and associated state grant programs have fueled an expansion of local immigration enforcement. Driven by the new requirements, the number of ICE partnerships in Mississippi tripled earlier this year, lifting the state to 48 active 287(g) agencies, the 13th such total in the country.

Several county agencies, including the Clay and Noxubee sheriff's offices, signed 287(g) agreements in May to comply with the state mandate and access federal enforcement funding. In July, Monroe County signed an agreement with ICE that yielded a substantial payment to the county after a local police arrest triggered a deportation.

In January, the Gulfport Police Department faced local scrutiny over its active 287(g) agreement, prompting police officials to address questions from the city council about the department's cooperation with federal authorities.

The local expansion builds on moves from state-level agencies to establish direct ties with federal immigration enforcement. Last year, both the Mississippi Attorney General’s Office and the State Auditor’s Office formally joined the 287(g) program.

In April, Kansas lawmakers overrode Governor Laura Kelly's veto to pass a law allowing local sheriffs to enter into 287(g) agreements without approval or oversight from county commissions. The legislation removed local administrative barriers to federal immigration partnerships, reinforcing a framework where ICE now lists 40 participating agencies in Kansas, the 14th such total in the country.

At the state level, the Kansas Bureau of Investigation signed a partnership with the Department of Homeland Security early last year. The agreement authorized designated state agents to receive ICE training to serve immigration warrants, issue detainers, and make arrests during routine investigations.

At the county level, the Sedgwick County, Kansas, Sheriff's Office entered into a formal 287(g) agreement late last year. The partnership authorized its jail staff to issue 48-hour detainers to hold people for ICE transfer.

While the state has expanded its administrative partnerships, some broader legislative efforts have stalled. A proposal introduced early last year that would have strictly mandated local police cooperation with federal immigration authorities failed to advance out of committee.

In January of last year, Governor Mike Braun signed an executive order directing all Indiana law enforcement agencies to fully cooperate with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The directive spurred an expansion of local partnerships, with more than a dozen local agencies joining the 287(g) program by the end of last year. ICE now lists 39 participating agencies in Indiana, the 15th such total in the country.

Early adopters of the expanded 287(g) program included the sheriff's offices in Hamilton, Jasper, and Noble counties. In Noble County, the sheriff's department entered a Warrant Service Officer agreement in the spring of last year, authorizing deputies to serve federal immigration warrants during traffic stops and within the county jail.

The 287(g) mobilization extended beyond local sheriffs to state-level entities last summer. Braun announced that agreements had been established to authorize the Indiana State Police, the Department of Homeland Security, the National Guard, and the Department of Correction to perform immigration enforcement functions.

Under the state's agreement, the Indiana Department of Correction dedicated 1,000 beds to house people in ICE custody at the Miami Correctional Facility. Following reports of severe medical backlogs and the deaths of two detained people, Governor Braun ordered the department to conduct a full internal review of the facility this summer.

The state police’s 287(g) authority facilitated Operation Midway Blitz, a joint highway enforcement sweep with federal authorities in northwest Indiana late last year that resulted in the arrests of 223 undocumented drivers, including more than 100 commercial truckers. Elsewhere in the region, the Lake County Sheriff's Department publicly rejected claims this summer by Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita that the county jail had operated as a "sanctuary," emphasizing its routine cooperation with federal law enforcement and denying any past policies restricting collaboration with ICE.

While there is relatively little 287(g) news reported in West Virginia compared with most of the country, the state maintains a growing and highly active roster of federal immigration partnerships. ICE currently lists 38 participating agencies in West Virginia under 38 agreements, representing the 16th highest total in the nation. The majority of these partnerships were finalized last year, beginning in the spring when the Wood County Sheriff's Office, the West Virginia Division of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and the West Virginia National Guard joined the program. The statewide West Virginia State Police Department followed over the summer, and a steady stream of local agencies—almost entirely county sheriff's offices operating under the Task Force Model—continued to sign 287(g) agreements into earlier this year.

The expanding network of delegated-authority agreements quickly translated into enforcement outcomes across the state. In October of last year, state officials announced that the 287(g) partnerships had facilitated at least 60 immigration arrests in a single month. That total included 18 people detained in coordination with ICE during a weekend traffic enforcement operation, followed by another 37 people arrested over an 11-day stretch.

Enforcement escalated further in January during a two-week operation that relied heavily on collaboration with 14 state and local 287(g) partner agencies. The coordinated operation resulted in approximately 650 people arrested by ICE across West Virginia, with federal authorities specifically crediting the assistance of newly formed local partnerships.

By June, the scale of the winter enforcement sweeps drew scrutiny from civil rights advocates. Local organizations released reports analyzing the operation, arguing that a large majority of the people arrested in West Virginia had no criminal records. The findings fueled pushback from the ACLU and prompted advocacy groups to rally at the state capital in response to the state's 287(g) expansion.

Governor Abigail Spanberger signed the Virginia Community Safety and Trust Act this year, a law restricting local 287(g) agreements and banning federal immigration officers from wearing masks during operations. The legislation prompted an immediate response from the U.S. Department of Justice, which sued the state and secured a federal court order temporarily blocking the mask ban just hours before the law took effect on July 1.

Spanberger had previously issued executive orders dissolving former Governor Glenn Youngkin's 287(g) agreements for state police and game wardens. The Department of Homeland Security publicly condemned the rollback, claiming the state's withdrawal from ICE cooperation made Virginia a "hotbed" for crime following the arrest of an undocumented person charged with the murder of a child in Louisa County, Virginia, in July.

Despite the state-level pushback, ICE currently lists 27 participating agencies in Virginia, representing the 17th such total in the country. Several local sheriffs have signaled their intent to keep their local-federal ties active.

In June, the sheriff’s office in Greene County, Virginia, partnered with ICE for a major joint traffic enforcement operation that resulted in 49 people being arrested. The joint sweep was executed just days before the state's new legislation curbing local-federal cooperation went into effect.

Similarly, the sheriff’s office in Loudoun County, Virginia, announced that its 287(g) Warrant Service Officer agreement with ICE will remain active for the time being, despite the new state laws targeting the program.

Elsewhere in the state, local leaders took their own steps to limit federal enforcement. In May, officials in Richmond, Virginia, directed the city's police department to stop sharing automated license plate reader data with other law enforcement agencies that maintain partnerships with ICE. Meanwhile, federal authorities continue to press local jails for cooperation, with ICE lodging an immigration detainer over the summer with authorities in Fairfax County, Virginia, urging them to hold a Nicaraguan national arrested on local charges.

In June, the North Carolina General Assembly overrode Governor Josh Stein's veto to enact Senate Bill 153, a measure requiring four state-level departments to sign 287(g) agreements with federal immigration enforcement. The new law compels the State Highway Patrol, the Department of Public Safety, the Department of Corrections, and the Bureau of Investigation to partner with ICE. It also eliminates government immunity for local jurisdictions that refuse to cooperate with immigration authorities, and mandates that the Highway Patrol submit a progress report on its new partnership by October 1. ICE currently lists 26 participating agencies in North Carolina, the 18th such total in the country.

At the municipal level, the police department in Kenansville, North Carolina, signed a 287(g) task force agreement in May. The signing authorized local officers to perform federal immigration enforcement duties alongside ICE agents during street-level operations, rather than strictly in a jail setting. In mid-July, federal immigration agents detained three people during a local police driver's license checkpoint in the town after Kenansville officers contacted ICE.

In Henderson County, North Carolina, Sheriff Lowell Griffin announced in May that his office would renew its existing 287(g) jail partnership with ICE. The renewal followed sustained pressure from the county Board of Commissioners and local residents to maintain the local enforcement program.

Last year, Governor Kelly Ayotte signed legislation requiring local police departments to cooperate with federal immigration authorities. The law cemented a statewide policy that forbids municipalities from banning 287(g) agreements, setting the stage for the expansion of local immigration enforcement across New Hampshire.

The New Hampshire State Police enrolled as a 287(g) task force partner last year, anchoring a statewide network that has since grown to include over two dozen county and municipal law enforcement agencies. ICE now lists 25 participating agencies in New Hampshire, giving the state the 19th largest total in the country. Recent additions include police departments in the towns of Weare and Hillsboro alongside Pittsfield and Gorham.

Officers operating under these delegated-authority agreements have executed dozens of arrests of people suspected of immigration violations statewide. Enforcement has been particularly concentrated in Troy, New Hampshire. Meanwhile, several local agencies received hundreds of thousands of dollars in federal payments for their participation, including a $122,515 wire transfer to the Carroll Police Department earlier this year.

The spread of ICE contracts has sparked public debate. Following mixed votes on federal immigration cooperation at town meetings in March and a newly launched statewide petition by civil rights advocates condemning the agreements, Grafton County Sheriff Jillian Myers terminated her agency's 287(g) partnership in June.

A steady stream of local law enforcement agencies joined the 287(g) program over the past year, expanding Wisconsin's role in federal immigration enforcement. Earlier this year, sheriffs in Dunn, Green Lake and Walworth counties in Wisconsin entered into warrant service officer agreements with ICE. The Kenosha County, Wisconsin, Sheriff’s Office finalized its own 287(g) contract in January, following signings last year by Marathon, Washington and Winnebago counties in Wisconsin. ICE now lists 21 participating agencies in the state, giving Wisconsin the 20th such total in the country.

As the roster of participating counties grows, the 287(g) agreements have faced mounting legal challenges. In July, the Wisconsin Supreme Court issued a stay on a lawsuit brought by the immigrant rights group Voces de la Frontera that challenges the legality of local sheriffs partnering with ICE. The court paused the case pending the exhaustion of a federal appeal over the partnerships.

Tensions over local enforcement efforts also escalated in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where the U.S. Justice Department filed a lawsuit in July over a city ordinance that regulates how federal agents operate. The DOJ sued the city over a policy that prohibits federal and local law enforcement officers—including ICE agents—from wearing masks while on duty.

The expansion of local partnerships coincides with a broader rise in the number of people held in ICE custody across the state. Federal data released over the summer indicates that ICE is detaining more people in Wisconsin local jails than in previous years, reporting a 25 percent increase in the state's average daily immigration detention population.

The increase in enforcement activity prompted pushback from other local institutions and community groups. Earlier this year, the University of Wisconsin-Madison announced it would stop sharing automated license plate reader data with Wisconsin counties that maintain enforcement agreements with ICE. Meanwhile, the police department in Palmyra, Wisconsin, withdrew an application for a 287(g) task force agreement last year following opposition from the ACLU and local organizers.

Ten rural police departments across the state maintain active 287(g) Task Force Model agreements to assist with federal immigration enforcement, contributing to the 19 total participating agencies ICE lists in Ohio. However, local staffing shortages have reportedly limited their operational capacity to actively aid federal authorities.

County sheriffs in jurisdictions including Butler County, Ohio, and Mahoning County, Ohio, continue to maintain lucrative ICE detention contracts. In early budget planning, the Butler County sheriff projected an estimated 28% revenue increase from housing people detained by ICE, while the Mahoning County arrangement similarly functions as a major revenue stream for local jail operations.

Major municipalities have taken a contrary approach to local data sharing. Columbus, Ohio, officials cut off access to the city's Flock license-plate reader network for several outside law-enforcement agencies that maintain 287(g) agreements. The restriction followed an audit revealing the surveillance system had been queried thousands of times for immigration purposes, prompting limits on broader data dissemination.

The state ranks 21st nationally by absolute participating-agency count under 287(g).

The state's 287(g) roster expansion accelerated last year when the Utah County Commission unanimously approved a suite of partnerships—including the Task Force and Warrant Service Officer models—as well as a secure data-sharing agreement with ICE. The measures passed in July 2025 following hours of public testimony from residents who voiced concerns over racial profiling and family separation, despite the commission ultimately finalizing the cooperation policies.

A series of county-level immigration enforcement partnerships took effect around the same time. Weber County formalized an agreement to join the program, and Wasatch County became the ninth sheriff's office in the state to sign a cooperation pact with federal authorities in early August 2025.

Also that August, the Riverton Police Department announced it had signed a 287(g) Task Force agreement, marking the first time a municipal police department in the state formally joined the program.

Despite the growing number of local agreements, the Utah Sheriffs' Association expressed frustration with ICE later that summer after federal officials attempted to directly recruit local deputies for immigration operations without first coordinating with county sheriffs.

Rounding out the state's federal cooperation efforts, the Utah National Guard sought volunteers last year to assist the Department of Homeland Security and ICE with logistical and administrative support. ICE now lists 13 participating agencies in Utah, the 22nd such total in the country. However, transparency concerns persist; as of this summer, local media reports indicated that most participating law enforcement agencies declined to publicly discuss how their 287(g) partnerships function in practice.

Wyoming has seen steady growth in local immigration enforcement, with ICE now listing 13 participating agencies and 19 active 287(g) agreements across the state. This footprint gives Wyoming the 22nd largest absolute program roster in the country. The growth continued this spring as multiple jurisdictions entered the 287(g) program. Authorities in Wheatland, Wyoming, alongside Shoshoni, Pine Bluffs, and Moorcroft, signed Task Force agreements in April, followed by Hot Springs County, Wyoming, joining the program in May.

The proliferation of the partnerships has triggered legal challenges over how they are enacted. In May, the ACLU of Wyoming sued Brian Kozak, the sheriff of Laramie County, Wyoming, alleging his office violated state law by entering into three 287(g) agreements last year without county commission approval or public input.

Following the lawsuit in Laramie County, civil rights advocates launched a statewide public records campaign in June. The inquiry targeted the Wyoming Highway Patrol and seven other counties to investigate how their respective 287(g) agreements were authorized at the local level.

The deputized authority has already shaped policing tactics on the ground. In May, deputies in Laramie County utilizing the 287(g) Task Force model detained seven people for immigration violations during a single five-hour highway traffic enforcement shift.

Elsewhere in the state, public records released over the summer showed authorities in Campbell County, Wyoming, transferred 87 people to ICE custody during a 13-month period ending in June. In July, commissioners in Teton County, Wyoming, authorized an independent assessment of local immigration policies after the county prosecutor questioned the legality of honoring 48-hour ICE detainers. Additionally, a Colorado-based immigration advocacy firm filed a lawsuit accusing Laramie County officials of withholding evidence and issuing an inaccurate report in a deportation case.

Enforcing the Local Cops, Local Crimes Act signed earlier this year, the newly created state Office of Immigrant Trust ordered a dozen local law enforcement agencies to dissolve their 287(g) agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement by late August. The mandated unwinding impacts formal cooperation pacts across several jurisdictions, including notices sent to sheriffs in Nassau, Rensselaer, and Madison counties. ICE currently lists 11 participating agencies in New York, the 24th such total in the country.

Several local officials pushed back against the state's sanctuary legislation following the directive. Representatives in Rensselaer County pledged to defy the order to cancel their long-standing 287(g) agreement, while officials in Nassau County and Yorktown threatened legal action and called for a full repeal of the statewide ban on local law enforcement cooperation with ICE.

In New York City, a conservative legal organization distributed a manual to local police officers advising them that federal law permits them to share immigration status information directly with ICE, circumventing local sanctuary directives. The guidance surfaced over the summer as Mayor Zohran Mamdani took executive actions reaffirming the city's refusal to collaborate with federal immigration enforcement.

Elsewhere on Long Island, U.S. Representative Nick LaLota announced he will withhold federal project funding from East Hampton Town and East Hampton Village. The congressman stated the funds will remain frozen until the municipalities repeal local ordinances that prohibit 287(g) agreements and restrict local police from assisting ICE with civil immigration matters.

Earlier this year, the Idaho Sheriffs' Association successfully opposed a state legislative mandate that would have required all local law enforcement agencies to apply for 287(g) agreements. The legislation ultimately died, with sheriffs testifying in July that partnerships with federal immigration enforcement must remain voluntary local decisions rather than state directives. ICE now lists 11 participating agencies in Idaho, the 24th highest total in the country.

At the state level, the Idaho State Police have actively utilized their 287(g) authority under Governor Brad Little's "Operation No Return." By late spring, state troopers had transferred 130 convicted individuals from state prisons and county jails into ICE custody.

At the local level, the Post Falls Police Department signed a 287(g) agreement with ICE in July. The move made Post Falls, Idaho, the first municipal police agency in the state to join the federal immigration enforcement program, which typically partners with county jails and sheriff's offices.

Ada County Sheriff Matt Clifford, who opposed the statewide mandate, announced plans in May to sign a 287(g) Warrant Service Officer agreement with ICE for his own jurisdiction in Ada County, Idaho.

Elsewhere in the state, the sheriff's office in Owyhee County, Idaho, received more than $115,000 from the Department of Homeland Security earlier this year for equipment related to a 287(g) task-force agreement signed last year. In July, deputies in Teton County, Idaho, assisted ICE agents during multi-day enforcement operations, where witnesses reported federal agents searching vehicles and detaining people following minor traffic stops. Meanwhile, authorities in Canyon County, Idaho, joined federal agencies in June in seeking to dismiss an ACLU lawsuit over an October 2025 raid in Wilder, Idaho, where local deputies assisted ICE in an operation that led to the zip-tying of a 14-year-old girl.

ICE lists 11 participating agencies in North Dakota operating under 16 287(g) agreements. The state saw a steady expansion of these partnerships beginning in the spring of last year, when the Dickinson Police Department, the Dunn County Sheriff’s Office, and the McKenzie County Sheriff’s Office entered the program.

The majority of participating jurisdictions are county sheriff's offices utilizing the program's Task Force Model. The roster expanded to the state level this summer when the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation signed on.

The growth in participation has drawn some public scrutiny. In the spring of last year, the ACLU of North Dakota warned against the expanding agreements, arguing that deputizing local police to perform federal immigration duties fractures community trust and facilitates the removal of people facing deportation.

Overall, there is relatively little 287(g) news reported in North Dakota compared with most of the country. However, a low volume of news coverage does not mean the state is quiet on the issue, as places with little visibility or no active agreements can still see heavy immigration enforcement action.

The statewide enforcement landscape hinges on Proposition 314, a voter-approved measure that authorizes state and local police to arrest people who cross the border outside legal ports of entry and allows state judges to order deportations. In July, a federal judge declined to temporarily block the law. The judge ruled it was too early to issue an injunction because no people had yet been arrested under its provisions, despite a lawsuit from civil rights groups arguing the scheme unconstitutionally usurps federal immigration authority.

Local participation in delegated immigration enforcement remains a focus in the courts, as ICE now lists 9 participating agencies in Arizona, the 27th such total in the country. Earlier this year, a Maricopa County Superior Court judge struck down a unilateral 287(g) task force agreement signed by the Pinal County Attorney, ruling that the official lacked the legal authority to enter the ICE partnership without approval from the county Board of Supervisors.

The state government also pushed back against federal enforcement mandates. Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes joined a coalition of states in a federal lawsuit challenging the Trump administration's policy of withholding homeland security and emergency management grants from jurisdictions that refuse to comply with federal immigration priorities.

In a separate legal dispute led by the Attorney General's Office, federal immigration authorities agreed in July to pause the conversion of a large warehouse in Surprise into an ICE detention facility. The project is on hold pending a mandatory environmental review.

Elsewhere in the state, a conservative legal group sued Governor Katie Hobbs in July over her administration's launch of a website informing Arizonans of their rights during ICE encounters, seeking public records on the taxpayer funds used to create the resource. The launch follows tension this spring, when federal immigration officials at a Phoenix border security exposition warned of increased operations and collateral arrests in Arizona cities that decline to cooperate with ICE, prompting public pushback from Tucson's mayor and local congressional representatives.

In July, a federal judge dismissed a Justice Department lawsuit that sought to overturn policies in the state of Minnesota, as well as in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and St. Paul, Minnesota, that limit local law enforcement cooperation with ICE. The ruling affirmed that the federal government cannot compel state and local authorities to hold people for federal immigration agents or otherwise assist with civil immigration enforcement.

Even as the state successfully defended its non-cooperation policies in court, ICE currently lists 9 participating agencies in Minnesota, which is the 27th highest total in the country. Over the course of last year, sheriffs in eight rural Minnesota counties—Cass, Crow Wing, Freeborn, Itasca, Jackson, Kandiyohi, Mille Lacs and Sherburne—signed 287(g) agreements to formally delegate certain federal immigration enforcement functions to their local deputies. The moves prompted immediate pushback across the state.

Late last year, the ACLU of Minnesota filed a lawsuit against Freeborn County, Minnesota, challenging its entry into the 287(g) program. Civil rights advocates argue that the partnership violates state law by allowing county jails to hold people suspected of non-immigration offenses longer than normally permitted in order to facilitate transfers into ICE custody.

The legality of the agreements has also drawn scrutiny at the local government level. In February, commissioners in Kandiyohi County, Minnesota, formally reviewed the 287(g) contract signed by the county sheriff, acting on a state attorney general's opinion that raised questions about the partnership’s validity.

Community opposition has continued over the summer, as residents and civil rights organizers packed a board meeting in Crow Wing County, Minnesota, to protest the local sheriff's office's 287(g) task-force agreement with ICE.

Last year, Governor Jim Pillen announced plans to convert a state work camp in McCook, Nebraska, into a federal immigration detention center and to bring the Nebraska State Patrol into the 287(g) program. The proposed detention facility, which officials dubbed the "Cornhusker Clink," marked a major executive commitment to expand ICE's local footprint.

At the county level, the sheriff's office in Wheeler County, Nebraska, signed a 287(g) agreement last year, becoming the first law enforcement agency in the state to adopt ICE's intensive task force model. The move added to the state's enforcement roster, which currently features 9 participating agencies and ranks 27th nationwide by absolute participation.

The executive push for the McCook facility and State Patrol participation prompted immediate legislative resistance. State lawmakers introduced legislation earlier this year seeking to void Nebraska's ICE partnerships, drawing widespread testimony from residents and advocates opposing the agreements during public hearings.

Civil rights organizations have mobilized across the state to block further local expansion. Advocates have actively pressured local officials to drop proposed ICE partnerships, focusing public campaigns on sheriffs weighing potential agreements in Dakota and Douglas counties in Nebraska.

Michigan has seen a steady expansion of local law enforcement partnerships with federal immigration authorities over the past year. ICE currently lists 8 participating agencies in the state, which ranks 30th nationwide for active agreements. The most recent addition came over the summer, when the Livingston County Sheriff's Office signed a 287(g) Warrant Service Officer agreement. The arrangement authorizes designated deputies to serve federal administrative warrants on people already held in the county jail.

The Livingston County partnership follows 287(g) agreements established last year by Jackson County and the city of Taylor. Jackson County entered the Warrant Service Officer program in April of last year, while the Taylor Police Department adopted the more expansive Task Force model the following month.

Not all recent partnerships have endured. The Metro Police Authority of Genesee County also signed a Task Force agreement last summer, but the police chief rescinded the partnership in October of last year, citing department staffing shortages.

Local ICE partnerships have prompted organized community pushback across multiple jurisdictions. Earlier this year, residents and advocates in Berrien County and the Saginaw County village of Oakley held protests and town halls urging local officials to terminate their law enforcement agreements with ICE.

Meanwhile, the federal government filed a lawsuit against Washtenaw County over the spring, challenging local policies that restrict law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration agents.

The state's shift toward local immigration enforcement began in May 2025, when Governor Larry Rhoden and Attorney General Marty Jackley announced a push to expand South Dakota's role in processing and removals. Following a visit to the U.S.-Mexico border, the South Dakota Highway Patrol and the Division of Criminal Investigation formally applied for 287(g) authority to identify people for immigration violations. ICE now lists 7 participating agencies across South Dakota, giving the state the 31st highest total in the country.

By the summer of 2025, the state launched "Operation: Prairie Thunder," a collaborative enforcement effort directly pairing the Highway Patrol with federal agents. The initiative steadily broadened its operations throughout the state and was subsequently extended into 2026.

Local jurisdictions simultaneously stepped up their own involvement. During that same period, the Minnehaha County Sheriff's Office detailed its participation in the 287(g) program, establishing direct cooperation with federal immigration agents inside the state's most populous county to screen people booked into the local jail.

In August 2025, the governor deployed South Dakota National Guard troops to Sioux Falls and Rapid City to help process arrest paperwork for federal immigration agents. State officials also announced their intent to establish a 287(g) Jail Enforcement Model agreement covering the entire Department of Corrections, allowing ICE to take custody of people in state prisons.

Even as state-level enforcement escalated, some local leaders pushed back against the operations. Sioux Falls Mayor Paul TenHaken publicly distanced the city's municipal police department from the state and federal mobilizations, clarifying that city officers were not participating in the crackdowns.

The partnerships have generated significant removal numbers. By the spring and summer of 2026, Governor Rhoden reported that state cooperation had already assisted in the deportation of hundreds of people. Following those results, state officials announced plans for additional trooper training, and the Highway Patrol received over $150,000 in federal funding to sustain the ongoing enforcement operations.

ICE lists 6 participating agencies in Montana, the 32nd such total in the country. The state's 287(g) program and related local enforcement efforts have become a primary target for public resistance this year, drawing intense scrutiny from residents and state officials alike. In Helena, Montana, a January City Commission resolution prohibiting the local police department from signing a 287(g) agreement prompted swift pushback from the state capital. Gov. Greg Gianforte and Attorney General Austin Knudsen announced an investigation into the city, asserting that Helena’s policy against cooperating with federal immigration enforcement may violate a 2021 state law banning sanctuary cities. The state leaders warned that the city's move to restrict police work with ICE could incur legal consequences.

In Gallatin County, Montana, commissioners terminated the sheriff's 287(g) agreement in June following months of public opposition and a lawsuit. Residents sued the county in the spring, successfully arguing that the 2020 partnership with ICE was legally void because the commission had never formally approved it. The legal challenge followed widespread protests outside the local courthouse, where community members rallied against the partnership.

Similar friction over delegated enforcement surfaced in other jurisdictions earlier this year. In Flathead County, Montana, residents heavily pressured the County Commission in January to withdraw from a local immigration enforcement agreement between the sheriff's office and ICE. Meanwhile, the sheriff in Blaine County, Montana, stated over the summer that while his agency honors federal immigration detainers upon request, it will not enter into a formal 287(g) partnership.

Beyond the local 287(g) debates, state and county agencies have maintained other avenues of cooperation with federal immigration authorities. Late last year, the Montana Highway Patrol participated in a joint targeted enforcement operation with federal border agents that resulted in dozens of arrests. Additionally, a report published last year highlighted how Cascade County, Montana, has utilized immigration detention as a revenue generator at its local jail.

ICE currently lists 4 participating agencies in Nevada, giving the state the 33rd such total in the country. The federal footprint grew noticeably last year when two major law enforcement agencies signed new 287(g) jail agreements, reversing a multi-year lull in program expansion and reigniting debates over local police involvement in deportations.

In May of last year, the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department entered a 287(g) agreement with ICE for the Clark County Detention Center. The partnership authorizes local officers to serve civil immigration warrants and hold people in custody for up to 48 hours for federal agents. Between the program's launch and the beginning of this year, the department reported facilitating more than 1,150 ICE arrests at the facility, drawing intense scrutiny from civil rights advocates.

The Las Vegas signing followed a similar move in northern Nevada, where the Douglas County Sheriff's Office signed a 287(g) jail enforcement agreement in February of last year. The pact made Douglas County the first jurisdiction in the state to join the federal program in approximately five years.

The sudden expansion prompted legal challenges, culminating when the ACLU of Nevada sued the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department late last year. The civil rights group argued that the agency's 287(g) agreement violates state law and erodes the judicial system. A state court judge dismissed the lawsuit earlier this year, prompting the organization to appeal the case to the Nevada Supreme Court this spring.

State leaders remain publicly divided over local immigration enforcement. Under a 2021 state law, the Nevada attorney general issued guidance advising local agencies to focus on crime prevention rather than immigration enforcement. In contrast, the governor maintains that Nevada is not a sanctuary state and insists that local authorities will continue to cooperate with federal immigration agents.

Despite the formalized jail agreements, direct cooperation in the field has encountered friction. Over the summer, Las Vegas municipal police intervened during an attempted ICE apprehension at Harry Reid International Airport. Local officers removed handcuffs from an elderly man detained by federal agents after determining there was no active arrest warrant or legal basis for local police to hold him.

Last year, the Iowa Department of Public Safety signed a 287(g) task force agreement with ICE, deputizing three state officers to enforce federal immigration law and drawing pushback from labor advocates. ICE now lists 2 participating agencies in Iowa, the 34th such total in the country.

Following the agreement, immigrant advocates filed civil rights complaints in July alleging that Iowa State Patrol troopers are using routine traffic stops to question drivers about their immigration status and coordinate arrests with ICE agents. The filings assert that troopers have held people for transfer to federal custody rather than releasing them.

State officials have broadly pushed to increase local immigration enforcement. State lawmakers advanced legislation earlier this year that would legally mandate all local law enforcement agencies in the state to comply with ICE detainers. This follows a high-profile effort last year by the Iowa attorney general, who sued the sheriff of Winneshiek County, Iowa, after the department publicly stated it did not always need to hold people at the request of federal immigration authorities. A federal appeals court also blocked a separate state law last year that would have allowed local law enforcement to arrest people based solely on their immigration status.

Despite pressure to expand cooperation with ICE, some local jurisdictions have maintained their distance. Citing concerns over jail capacity and county resources, the sheriff in Dubuque County, Iowa, formally declined to sign a 287(g) agreement last year despite national pressure to participate in the program. However, over the summer, the city council in Decorah, Iowa, rejected a resident-led push to end local police cooperation with ICE agents for the second time in under a year.

In February, Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham signed the Immigrant Safety Act, prohibiting local law enforcement agencies from entering into 287(g) agreements and banning local governments from holding immigration detention contracts. The legislation aimed to end state complicity with federal immigration enforcement and prevent local resources from being used to hold people detained by ICE.

The new law arrived shortly after the Sheriff's Office in Curry County, New Mexico, signed a 287(g) agreement last year, becoming the first law enforcement agency in the state to formalize a delegated-authority partnership with ICE.

After the statewide ban took effect in May, the sheriffs of Curry County and Torrance County refused to terminate their 287(g) agreements. In response, Attorney General Raúl Torrez filed lawsuits against the two counties and their sheriffs to force compliance with the Immigrant Safety Act.

Beyond this legal standoff, there is relatively little 287(g) news in New Mexico compared with most of the country. ICE currently lists 2 participating agencies in the state, which ranks 34th nationwide.

There is relatively little 287(g) news reported in Alaska compared with most of the country, but the state maintains an active roster of local enforcement partnerships. Most of the state's participating agencies signed 287(g) agreements during 2021, beginning that winter with the Kodiak Police Department. A few others joined later, most notably the statewide Alaska Department of Corrections in the spring of last year. Across the state, almost all of these active partnerships take the local shape of county sheriff's offices operating under the Task Force Model.

In February, the Alaska Department of Corrections confirmed that its 287(g) agreement involves screening inmate rosters, a protocol that triggered an ICE detainer for a man booked into a correctional center in Juneau, Alaska, following a local traffic stop. Meanwhile, the Anchorage Police, Juneau Police, and Alaska State Troopers stated that they do not have formal 287(g) agreements.

In December of last year, Governor Mike Dunleavy approved a federal request to deploy the Alaska National Guard to provide administrative and logistical support to the ICE office in Anchorage, Alaska, for up to a year. The domestic assignment prompted state lawmakers to question the legality of the deployment.

Over the summer of last year, the Alaska Department of Corrections accepted a transfer of roughly 40 out-of-state people held in ICE custody to the Anchorage Correctional Complex to relieve overcrowding at a facility in Tacoma, Washington. The arrangement sparked legislative hearings and scrutiny over detention conditions before the men were transferred back out of state.

In January, members of the Anchorage Assembly introduced a resolution opposing federal immigration enforcement and calling for restrictions on local cooperation, funding, and enforcement powers related to ICE operations.

There is relatively little 287(g) activity and little news to report in the Northern Mariana Islands compared with most of the country. ICE currently lists 2 participating agencies in the territory operating under 2 active agreements.

While there have been no documented initiatives to deputize territorial police or corrections officers recently, a lack of 287(g) news does not mean the region is completely insulated from immigration enforcement. Jurisdictions with few or no formal delegation agreements can still see heavy federal enforcement action, as federal authorities routinely arrest and hold people in ICE custody independently of local law enforcement.

ICE lists 1 participating agency in Massachusetts, the 38th such total in the country. The Massachusetts Department of Correction maintains the state's only active 287(g) agreement, a prison-deportation partnership that continues to draw criticism from advocates calling for an end to the program.

In the legislature, the state Senate advanced the Protect Act this spring to restrict ICE operations at schools, daycares, and courthouses. While moving to shield people from immigration enforcement in sensitive locations, lawmakers simultaneously rejected an amendment that would have required local authorities to honor ICE detainers for people convicted of felonies.

Governor Maura Healey issued corresponding statewide guidance this spring. The executive directives instructed schools, higher education campuses, healthcare facilities, and childcare providers on how to handle interactions with federal immigration agents, reinforcing the state's boundaries on local cooperation with ICE.

The pushback against federal enforcement has drawn legal challenges. Earlier this year, the U.S. Department of Justice sued Massachusetts, alleging that state policies refusing to issue undercover license plates to federal immigration agents are unconstitutional and put officers at risk.

Over the summer, Bristol County Sheriff Paul Heroux publicly condemned ICE after the federal agency accused his office of releasing a person from custody without honoring an immigration hold. The sheriff asserted that complying with the detainer would have violated state and federal law, and accused ICE of attempting to bully his department.